I feel compelled to write this because I recently listened to a presenter at a conference – in Africa no less – describe Pan-Africanism as “resistance and defiance.” I was like bruh what? Certainly the revolutionary political tendencies from which Pan-Africanism developed could be accurately be described as defiant. And certainly Pan-Africanism as a strategy and an ideology is uncompromising in it’s resistance to colonialism, imperialism, and capitalism. However, stopping at such nebulous and emotion-driven descriptors and neglecting to mention clear history when describing Pan-Africanism only serves the purpose of obscuring clear, world-changing – and as yet unmet – political . . .
The middle class is the ultimate social construct. What we in the US have been told, in regards to the middle class, is that it is the class between the working classes and the upper classes. The average person in the US has accepted that definition, a definition that is based on income. But that is only part of the definition. It is not even a necessary part of the definition. The most important characteristic of the US middle class is whiteness. The middle-class dream in the US is that you can be not that smart, not that competitive, but . . .
The word Consciencism was coined by President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Co-President of Guinea, in a small book named, ‘Consciencism, Philosophy and Ideology of Decolonization’, first published in 1964. The word Consciencism is a construct of the word conscience and the suffix ism. For our purposes, the root word, conscience, can be defined as, ‘the capacity and urge to distinguish right from wrong as a guide to human activity’. The suffix ism, in this instance is, ‘the theory, practice and philosophy of that to which it pertains’. Accordingly, Consciencism is, “The theory, practice and philosophy of distinguishing right from . . .
The US doesn’t invest in mass organized political education for its citizens and beyond that, it has systematically underfunded and underdeveloped it’s public educational system. This means that when laws, measures, executive orders are passed that provide protected status to trans folks, for example, they are extremely nebulous in nature, often only address small symptoms and not root causes, and beyond that are subject to being quickly overturned with a mood swing, new people in power, or ballot measures voted on by a still mostly reactionary populace. (The entire concept of people in the United States voting on basic human . . .
#BlackLivesMatter needs a class analysis alongside its race analysis. Nothing has driven this home more to me than being in Ghana and seeing African owned shops, African owned banks, African owned corporations, African judges, African police, and an African president and yet the masses of people there are still poor, still struggling, and still exploited and oppressed. It’s extremely common in Accra to see huge, huge houses with humming generators behind six foot high walls topped with broken glass and barbed wire, houses owned by wealthy Africans. Next to this ostentatious wealth you’ll see rows upon rows of reclaimed shipping . . .
The poor, queer, Black, disabled masses have no allies in the white power structure, even if the powerful is ‘melanated.’ All these foxes do is work to convince us that our only hope is to remain subject to the very system that violates us and our cousins overseas. But, there is no savior within the Amerikkkan Empire. We alone are our magic hands, as Fanon once said, and so it is on us to protect ourselves, by ourselves, for ourselves and for our planet. . . .
By: Danielle Butler In response to mounting criticism over being seen at a Dallas Cowboys game sitting alongside former President George W. Bush, daytime talk show juggernaut Ellen DeGeneres defended her friendship with Bush in a 4 minute monologue on her show directed at the wave of disapproval expressed on Twitter. Staring earnestly into the camera, DeGeneres asserted “Here’s the thing. I’m friends with George Bush” she said, “In fact I’m friends with a lot of people who don’t share the same beliefs that I have.” After citing an example of her being able to befriend people who wear fur, . . .
“Although we are in essential agreement with Marx’s theory as it applied to the very specific economic relationships he analyzed, we know that his analysis must be extended further in order for us to understand our specific economic situation as Black women.” —the Combahee River Collective Statement, 1977 “The concept of the simultaneity of oppression is still the crux of a Black feminist understanding of political reality and, I believe, one of the most significant ideological contributions of Black feminist thought.” —Black feminist and scholar Barbara Smith, 1983 The situational systematic position of Black women, particularly in the US, has . . .