Any effort to make Juneteenth a national holiday should be viewed with caution. Such a designation would only continue the telling of false tales. It would allow the bad actors of the present day to get away with cheap theatrics while continuing the legal and economic structures which still oppress Black people. The true story of the past would be kept hidden and the story of the present would be sugar coated. . . .
If Black masses are semi-colonized, the solution is decolonization. If slavery was merely reformed, slavery must be abolished in all its iterations. The U.S. police are the representation and manifestation of modern-day slave patrols. For these reasons and others, the police must be abolished in their entirety and other carceral institutions as well. . . .
Umar Johnson advances ideas committed to capitalism, individualism, patriarchy, and homophobia. None of those qualities match revolutionary Pan-Africanism which is always a universal humanist ideology and objective centered on the masses of Africa and all of humanity. . . .
Universalizing Blackness as a flat experience allows Amazon to proclaim #BlackLivesMatter, create a Black-owned business page but crush the unions organized by its Black workers. It allows the NBA to paint BLM on its hardwoods, highlight Black business during the NBA finals but pay its predominantly Black and temp workers dirt wages. Universalizing Blackness distorts Blackness itself. It is decorating at its worst. . . .
African people’s struggle against oppression, colonialism, zionism, and imperialism is commemorated each year with African Liberation Day. Founded on April 15th,1958 by Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the First Conference of Independent States was held in Accra, Ghana, and attended by eight independent African states. It aimed to create awareness and amplify decolonization struggles and symbolize African nations’ determination to free themselves from foreign domination and exploitation. . . .
What, then, are we fighting for? I want to open the door to this critical, but absent, conversation around anti-racist organising – the space for such conversations is desperately needed. Indeed, many of the claims about race that I have challenged created a suffocating climate in the last decade in which dissent from shared assumptions and attempts to develop theoretical grounds for solidarity are routinely characterised as ‘anti-black’. . . .
For many Black political activists – from some of the most committed bourgeois Democratic Party stalwarts to some of the most revolutionary socialists – there is a widespread commitment to achieving political aspirations, if not within the current system, at least within North America. However, if what we face in this country goes beyond racial tensions and discrimination and is instead a state of war, then plans for freedom or liberation in the U.S. are grounded in self-delusion. . . .
In the wake of this verdict there are those in New African communities who are proclaiming it an instance of justice served. For communities that rarely see their killers and brutalizers prosecuted, it’s understandable any instance of a conviction would be hailed as great justice. You could argue that it’s a great justice for George Floyd’s family and it would be hard to disagree with that. But, as a victim of colonial brutality, George Floyd doesn’t just belong to his immediate family but to the entire movement for New African liberation. It was the entire movement, after all, that brought his murder to light. Which is why it’s crucial that we understand matters of justice and accountability not just in individual terms but in communal terms. . . .