African people’s struggle against oppression, colonialism, zionism, and imperialism is commemorated each year with African Liberation Day. Founded on April 15th,1958 by Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the First Conference of Independent States was held in Accra, Ghana, and attended by eight independent African states. It aimed to create awareness and amplify decolonization struggles and symbolize African nations’ determination to free themselves from foreign domination and exploitation. . . .
What, then, are we fighting for? I want to open the door to this critical, but absent, conversation around anti-racist organising – the space for such conversations is desperately needed. Indeed, many of the claims about race that I have challenged created a suffocating climate in the last decade in which dissent from shared assumptions and attempts to develop theoretical grounds for solidarity are routinely characterised as ‘anti-black’. . . .
For many Black political activists – from some of the most committed bourgeois Democratic Party stalwarts to some of the most revolutionary socialists – there is a widespread commitment to achieving political aspirations, if not within the current system, at least within North America. However, if what we face in this country goes beyond racial tensions and discrimination and is instead a state of war, then plans for freedom or liberation in the U.S. are grounded in self-delusion. . . .
In the wake of this verdict there are those in New African communities who are proclaiming it an instance of justice served. For communities that rarely see their killers and brutalizers prosecuted, it’s understandable any instance of a conviction would be hailed as great justice. You could argue that it’s a great justice for George Floyd’s family and it would be hard to disagree with that. But, as a victim of colonial brutality, George Floyd doesn’t just belong to his immediate family but to the entire movement for New African liberation. It was the entire movement, after all, that brought his murder to light. Which is why it’s crucial that we understand matters of justice and accountability not just in individual terms but in communal terms. . . .
To a certain extent, it is understandable why Black folks in the ADOS movement want something that caters specifically to African-Americans’ material conditions. However, to exclude non-American Africans from the fight for reparations is not only counter-productive but ahistorical. . . .
We, like [Amilcar] Cabral, must have a clear and comprehensive analysis of all the classes engaged in the contemporary class struggle. We must understand that each class struggle happens in time and space. Each person in their locales has a history of resistance, class conflict, and class collaboration. While there is a universal aspect that unites all class struggles, at the base every class struggle emerges from a particular cultural context and must address the interest of the people living within that cultural context. . . .
Throughout African (Black) activist and social media circles today the concept of “anti-Blackness” is constantly presented as an explanation behind the suffering African people experience within this backward society. The logic of this thinking is summarized within the belief that our 529 years of suffering results from European-dominated culture disliking and disrespecting us due primarily to the fact we are different from them. Inherent in this thinking, whether expressed overtly or not, is the belief that Europeans possess some innate gene that pushes them to have this hatred of us. Also within this thought process (equally as overt and/or covert) is the belief among African people that there is really no escape from this sorry reality. . . .
The art of accountability relies on consistency & integrity. Without consistency, there can be no standard. Without integrity, there can be no honor. As a collective it is imperative for a people to have an honorable merit of excellency that is most beneficial to the whole. . . .